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制高点-第17部分
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DANIEL YERGIN; Author; manding Heights: Up until September 11; there was a sense that this movement toward globalization really was irreversible。 And since then there's been this recognition that things can go in another direction。
DANIEL YERGIN,《占领制高点》的作者:直到9月11日之前,人们一直认为全球化潮流真的是不可逆转,但是自从9月11日之后,人们认识到,事情的发展可能会有另外一个方向。
NARRATOR: Can our deeply interconnected world deliver prosperity to everyone?
旁白:我们这个紧密相连的世界能给每一个人带来繁荣吗?
BILL CLINTON; ; 19932001: And that's basically the next big challenge; is making this interdependent world of ours; on balance; far more positive than negative。 And the extent to which we do that will depend on whether the 21st century is marred by terrorism of all kinds or whether it bees the most peaceful and prosperous time the world has ever known。
克林顿,美国总统,19932001:基本上,下一个重大的挑战是如何使这个相互依存的世界能比较均衡,使其积极的一面超越消极的一面。我们在这一点上做的有多好将依赖于:21世纪是否会被各种各样的恐怖主义所破坏,或者这个世界能否成为有史以来最为和平和繁荣的时代。
NARRATOR: This is the story of how the new global economy was born; the story of a centurylong battle of ideas to determine who would control the ";manding heights"; of the economy central governments or free markets。
旁白:这是一个全球新经济如何产生的故事,是一个长达一个世纪的观念之争——谁将控制经济的“制高点”——中央政府还是自由市场。
In the 1990s; a worldwide capitalist revolution fueled the new era of globalization; the greatest expansion of world trade in history。
在20世纪90年代,世界范围的资本主义革命推进了全球化的新时代——也是历史上世界贸易扩张幅度最大的时代。
RICHARD CHENEY; : Millions of people a day are better off than they would have been without globalization; and very few people have been harmed by it。
切尼,美国副总统:每天都有数一百计的人们因为全球化而过的更好,几乎没有什么人受到过全球化的伤害。
NARRATOR: But with the promise came a debate about the impact of globalization。
旁白:但伴随着这个承诺而来的就是一场关于全球化影响的辩论。
GRETCHEN KING; Media Activist; Independent Media Center: And should the world's wealthiest people really dictate how the world's economy is going to run?
GRETCHEN KING,媒体激进主义者,独立媒体中心:是不是应该由这个世界上最富有的国家裁定世界经济的模式?
NARRATOR: Tonight; the battle over who should write the new rules of the game for the global economy。
旁白:今天晚上,关于谁应当制订全球经济新规则,将有一场争辩。
GEE W。 BUSH; : Out of the sorrow of September 11; I see opportunity; a chance for nations to strengthen and rethink and reinvigorate their relationships。 When nations open their markets to the world; they find in America trading partners; an investor; and a friend。
布什,美国总统:从911事件的悲哀中,我看到了机遇——各个国家如何自强、重新思考并重新激活国家关系,当各个国家对世界开放市场的时候,它们能在美国找到贸易伙伴、
投资者和朋友。
NARRATOR: We are living through a revolution。 The 1990s saw the creation of a new kind of global economy; a single market in which everyone has a stake; but no one has control。
旁白:我们正生活在一个大变革的时代,20世纪90年代开创了新型的全球经济,每个人在全球经济中都有自己的份额,但是没有哪一个能拥有对它的控制权。
Globalization has brought unprecedented prosperity; but it has also brought crises and risks we are only beginning to understand。 It has unleashed a worldwide debate about wealth and poverty; about the ";rules of the game"; for this new era of globalization。
全球化已经带来了史无前例的繁荣,但是也已经带来了危机和风险——我们只是刚刚开始理解这些危机和风险。同时,它还引发了一场全球范围的辩论——有关富有和贫穷,有关全球化新时代“游戏规则”
DANIEL YERGIN: Historians may well say that a new era began at the beginning of the 1990s with the end of the Cold War and the Gulf crises。 It was this new era of globalization; of a world being tied together by flows of investment; of trade; of ideas; of culture; of people travelling all the time。 And it happened very fast。 And as so often happens; the change came more quickly than the ability of thinking to catch up and understand the change。 But to understand where we are today and where we're going; we have to understand this recent past。
DANIEL YERGIN:历史学家可能会说:这个新时代开始于20世纪90年代之初——冷战结束和海湾危机的时候,这是一个全球化的新时代,世界被资本流动、贸易、观念、文化和不停迁移的人们连接在一起,所有这一切都发生的极其迅速,和往常一样,人们的跟上并理解变革的思维能力跟不上变革实际发生的速度。但是,要理解我们的处境和我们的未来,我们必须理解刚刚发生的过去。
Chapter 2: The Global Idea '3:52'
第二章: 全球观念
NARRATOR: No economic idea has shaped the era of globalization more profoundly than a belief in free; open markets。 Free trade has been a fundamental tenet of capitalism for over 200 years。 But in the 1990s; the global market created a new reality that no government; no politician could afford to ignore。
旁白:自由、开放的市场观念对全球化时代的形成产生了最为深远的影响,自由贸易成为资本主义的基本信条已经长达两百年了,但是,在20世纪90年代,全球市场产生了一种没有哪个政府或政客能忽视的新现实。
Our story begins in 1992。 The global economy was changing rapidly; but America seemed adrift。 A recession had left 10 million workers unemployed。 Industries struggled against intense foreign petition。 Europe had formed a single trading bloc。 Japan looked invincible。 Japanese panies were buying up American icons; like Rockefeller Center and Universal Studios。
我们的故事开始于1992年,全球经济迅速变迁,但是美国似乎游移不定,一场衰退已经使得一千万工人失业,各个行业努力挣扎着和残酷的国外竞争进行抗衡,欧洲地区已经形成了单一的贸易集团,日本看起来十分强大,日本公司开始收购一些美国经济的标志:比如洛克非勒中心和寰宇工作室等等。
In the 1992 presidential campaign; Arkansas governor Bill Clinton claimed he could get America back on track。 He drew crucial support from America's labor unions and seemed to promise workers' protection against global petition。
在92年的总统竞选中,阿肯萨斯州长比尔克林顿宣称他能够使美国重上轨道,美国工会给予他关键的支持,他似乎也承诺保护工人群体不受全球竞争的伤害。
BILL CLINTON: Look at what our petitors do。 Look at what Japan does。 Look at what Germany does。 We have to keep investment at home so jobs don't go offshore。
比尔克林顿:看看我们的竞争对手正在干些什么,看看日本,看看德国,我们必须将投资控制在国内,这样工作机会才不会流向国外。
WORKER: You'll stand up against the good old boys to do that?
工人:你会挺身而出,反对那些老家伙吗?
BILL CLINTON: Absolutely。 What's the good of having a country if you're going to let it go down the drain?
克林顿:我一定会。如果你使你的国家的情况越来越糟,那你领导这个国家还有什么用?
WORKER: I don't know。 Why have we been doing that?
工人:我不知道。为什么我们一直在那样做?
NARRATOR: But at a meeting with Wall Street financiers; Clinton had discussed a different agenda; an agenda some of his core supporters adamantly opposed。 Financial markets wanted to rein in government spending; cut the deficit; and embrace free trade。 Without these policies; they thought America's economy wouldn't recover。 Over dinner in an exclusive restaurant; Clinton tried to persuade some of Wall Street's most seasoned executives that he saw the world as they did。
旁白:但是,在和华尔街金融家的一次会面中,克林顿讨论了一个不同的日程表——其中有些内容受到了他的核心支持者的强烈反对。金融市场希望控制政府支出、削减赤字并完全接纳自由贸易。如果没有这些政策,他们认为美国的经济无法复苏。在一家高级餐厅共进晚餐时,克林顿总统试图劝说一些华尔街最资深的高层执行官:他自己非常了解世界的现状。
ROBERT RUBIN; Cochairman; Goldman Sachs; 19901992; ; 19951999: My view was that the threshold economic issue for our country was to restore fiscal discipline after a long; long time during which fiscal discipline had eroded。
罗伯特鲁宾; 高盛公司,联合主席,19901992;美国财长,19951999:我认为,我国的首要经济问题是:如何在财政秩序被长期损害以后恢复财政秩序。
Onscreen caption: The 4 trillion in debt。
字幕:美国政府债务数字:4 万亿(美元)
BILL CLINTON: I could see that Rubin and the others that were there in this rather dark place where we had dinner at night were kind of looking and saying; ";Well; you know; can this guy from Arkansas be president? Could he possibly know enough about the economy to do it?";
比尔克林顿:在我们共进晚餐的地方,光线相当暗,但我能看到鲁宾其他一些人,知道他们的表情和想法,“你知道,这个来自阿肯萨斯的家伙能当总统吗?他可能了解足够的经济知识以胜任总统的职位吗?”
ROBERT RUBIN: After that meeting I thought to myself that this was a man who cared about what I at least thought we needed to care a great deal about。 Now; on the issue of trade; he clearly believed in trade liberalization; and that clearly has been a dividing line in the Democratic Party。 It was then; and it is now。
罗伯特鲁宾:在那次会面之后,我认为,这个人关心至少我认为我们需要非常关心的很多问题。现在,在贸易问题上,他清楚地表示信奉贸易自由化,这也是曾是民主党的一个清晰的分界线。
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Chapter 3: NAFTA: The First Test '5:28'
第三章:北美自由贸易区: 第一次实验
NARRATOR :Trade became an issue in the 1992 presidential campaign。 Republican president Gee Bush had negotiated a treaty that would allow unrestricted flows of trade and investment between the ; Canada; and Mexico。
旁白: 贸易问题成为1992年总统大选的一个问题,共和党总统乔治布什已经谈好了一项条约:在美国、加拿大和墨西哥之间允许自由贸易和投资流动。
Onscreen title: NAFTA: North American Free Trade Agreement
字幕标题:NAFTA:北美自由贸易协定
For its supporters; trade embodies an idea: that open markets create wealth; bind nations together; and help construct a more prosperous and a more secure world。 NAFTA put that idea to a political test。 In America; it was the first great debate of the globalization era。
对于支持它的人而言,贸易政策表现了一种观念:开放的市场能创造财富、将国家联系在一起并有助于建设更繁荣的、更为安全的世界。北美自由贸易协定将对此观念进行一个政治实验,在美国,这是全球化时代的首次重大辩论。
Onscreen title: 1992 presidential debate
字幕标题:1992年的总统竞选辩论
ROSS PEROT; Reform Party Presidential Candidate; 1992: You have to admit that NAFTA; the Mexican trade agreement; where they pay people a dollar an hour; have no health care; no retirement; no pollution controls; etc。; etc。; etc。; you're going to hear a giant sucking sound of jobs being pulled out of this country。
ROSS PEROT,改革党总统候选人,1992:你不得不承认:根据北美自由贸易协定、墨西哥贸易协定,在墨西哥,小时工资只有一美元,没有健康护理,没有退休保障,不对污染进行控制,等等,等等,你将会听到大量的工作被吸引出这个国家的巨大声音。
GEE BUSH; President; 19891993: Ross says with great conviction that he opposes the North American Free Trade Agreement。 I am for the North American Free Trade Agreement。 My problem with Governor Clinton is that one day he says he's for it; the other he wants to make some changes。 When you're president of the United States; you cannot have this pattern of saying ";I'm for it; but I'm on the other side。";
乔治布什,美国总统,19891993:Ross非常雄辩地声称他反对北美自由贸易协定,而我支持北美贸易协定。关于克林顿总统,我的问题是:有时他说他也支持,而有时又有一些变化。如果你是美国总统,你绝不能使用这样的说话方式“我支持这项协定,但我站在另外一方”。
BILL CLINTON: I am the one who's on the middle on this。 Mr。 Perot says it's a bad deal; Mr。 Bush says it's a hunkydory deal。 I say it does more good than harm if we can get the Mexicans to live up to their own labor standards; their own environmental standards; and if we have genuine protection for workers displaced in America。
比尔克林顿:关于这个问题,我正好站在中间, Perot先生说这个协定是件坏事,布什先生说这是件好事。而我说,如果我们能使墨西哥人符合他们自己的劳动标准、他们自己的环境标准而且我们能真正的保护工人不受失业之害,那么,这个协议利大于弊。
NARRATOR: Once in office; Bill Clinton's economic policy was aimed squarely at restoring the confidence of financial markets。 His first term was dominated by the battle to reduce the deficit。
旁白:就职之后,比尔克林顿实施的经济政策旨在直接恢复金融市场的信心,他的第一个任期被削减财政赤字的努力所主导。
On trade; the president changed his position; and announced he would wholeheartedly support NAFTA as it stood。
在贸易问题方面,总统改变了他的立场并宣布他将全力支持北美自由贸易协定
ROBERT RUBIN: President Clinton gave a speech in the East Room at the White House that set out how he wanted to discuss NAFTA with the American people。 It was really quite a remarkable speech。 He talked about NAFTA in a much broader context。 He talked about NAFTA in the context of the rapid changes taking place in the global economy; not only from trade; but from technological development; spread of marketbased economics。
罗伯特鲁宾:克林顿总统在白宫东厅发表了一次演讲,说明了他想和美国人民讨论北美自由贸易协定的急切心情,那的确是一个令人惊叹的演讲,他在更加广阔的背景下描述了北美自由贸易协定的内容——全球经济迅速地发展变化,原因不只是贸易的发展,还有技术的发展以及市场经济的扩张。
BILL CLINTON: This debate about NAFTA is a debate about whether we will embrace these changes and create the jobs of tomorrow; or try to resist these changes hoping we can preserve the economic structures of yesterday。 Nothing we do in this great Capitol can change the fact that people can move money around in the blink of an eye。 I tell you; my fellow Americans; that if we learned anything from the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the fall of the governments of Eastern Europe; even a totally controlled society cannot resist the winds of change that economics and technology and information flow have imposed in this world of ours。
比尔克林顿:关于北美自由贸易协定的辩论的主要内容有:我们是否应该接纳这些变化并创造未来的工作机会,后者试图抗拒这些变化并希望我们能够保留过去的经济结构。在这伟大的国会山,我们无论做什么也改变不了这个事实——人们能在我们的眼皮子底下移动资金,我可以告诉你们,我的美国同胞,如果我们能从柏林墙的倒塌、东欧政府的崩溃中吸取任何教训的话,那就是:即使是一个被完全控制的社会也无法抗拒变化的风潮——经济、技术和信息的流动已经对我们所在的世界产生了影响。
NARRATOR: To some of his supporters; the president's change of heart on NAFTA was nothing less than a sellout。
旁白:对于他的一些支持者来说,总统在北美自由贸易协定问题上立场的变化无异于一场背叛。
THEA LEE; Assistant Director for International Economics; AFLCIO: The AFLCIO; the labor movement in the United States; opposed NAFTA as it stood because we saw that as a corporatedominated trade and investment agreement; one that served the interests of multinational corporations; that improved their flexibility; their mobility; their clout。 And at the same time NAFTA did nothing to protect the rights of workers to form unions; to bargain collectively; and to really raise their voices in the political system so that workers could be formidable countervailing power to multinational corporations。 I think Clinton did sell out his traditional bluecollar supporters on the NAFTA issue; and a lot of people haven't fiven him for that。
THEA LEE; 国际经济组织的助理总监; AFLCIO:AFLCIO——美国劳工运动——反对北美自由贸易协定,因为我们认为:这是一个以公司为导向的贸易和投资协定,完全服务于跨国公司的利益,提高了它们的灵活性、流动性和影响。而同时,北美自由贸易协定没有任何内容来保护工人组织工会、集体谈判的权利,也不能真正提高工人在政治体系中的声音,因为如果那样,工
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