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制高点-第23部分
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ollars a day to make bicycles once built in America。
旁白：在90年代，不断发展的美国经济创造了1700万新工作，但是，工会会员所占的比例却下降很多。美国劳工运动组织就抱怨海外的廉价劳动力。例如：他们就曾指着这家中国的工厂。那里的工人生产曾在美国生产的自行车，每天的报酬只有5个美元。
THEA LEE： Our workers are in direct petition to workers overseas。 We can't control whether every single job stays in the United States or not； but it's another thing to lose jobs to workers who are not represented by independent trade unions。 And so that changes the nature of petition that American workers face。
THEA LEE：我们的工人与海外的工人处于直接的竞争当中。我们无法控制每一个单独的工作能否都被留在美国境内， 但是，工作被那些没有参加独立的工会组织的工人所得到，是另一回事。所以，这就改变了美国工人所面临的竞争的性质。
NARRATOR： Countries that opened their markets saw their overall wealth and living standards increase； yet the politics of trade were less straightforward than the economics。
旁白：那些开放了本国市场的国家看到了它们整体的财富及生活水平提高了，但是，贸易的政治学是没有经济学这么直截了当的。
LAWRENCE SUMMERS： It's always difficult to sell open markets。 There's a basic cost of open markets。 Whether it's somebody losing a job particularly or very obvious； the benefits are much less clear。 Who said on Christmas day； "；Gosh； thanks without open markets I would have been only able to buy half as many toys for my kid"；？ Or whoever says； "；You know； I'm not that great a worker； but they really had no choice to promote me given the surge and export demand"；？ On the other hand； every job loss that can be remotely connected to international trade； people do。 So this problem of invisible beneficiaries and visible losers is one that bedevils the political economy of trade。
萨莫斯：要推销开放市场总是很困难的。开放市场有一个基本的成本。无论是某个人丢了一份工作或是很明显，收益远没有损失那么清楚。谁在圣诞节时会说：“上帝啊，谢谢——如果没有开放的市场，我只能给我的孩子买今天一半的玩具。”？或者，谁会说：“你知道，我并不是那么好的一个工人，可是它们因为经济的快速增长和出口需求增加，实在没有其他选择而只有提拔我了。”？而另一方面，每一个丢掉的工作，只要能把它与国际贸易联系起来，人们就会这样做。因此，看不见的受益者和看得见的失败者就把贸易的政治经济给妖魔化了。
THEA LEE： The truth is that the business munity has very good access to the international institution and to their own governments。 And we hit the streets because we feel that we have a hard time getting our government to listen； or that our governments are unresponsive to the concerns that we've raised。 And we think we can do better。 We think we could write a set of rules for the global economy that would ensure that corporations had to live up to a minimum standard。
THEA LEE：事实是，商业社团很容易接触到国际机构以及它们本国的政府。因为我们感觉到要让我们的政府倾听我们的声音太难了或因为我们的政府对我们提出的所关注的问题不予理睬，我们就上街抗议了。而且我们认为我们可以做得更好。我们认为我们可以为全球经济制定一套规则以确保所有的公司必须要达到一个最低的标准。
NARRATOR： But inside the Seattle meeting； the unions' demands met stiff resistance from the developing world。 They wanted more trade； not less。 Poorer countries charged that America and Europe unfairly protect industries with powerful union and business support。
旁白：但是，在西雅图会议上，工会的要求遇到了发展中国家的强烈抵触。他们要求更多的贸易，而不是更少。贫穷的国家批评美国和欧洲通过他们强大的工会和商业社团的支持，不公平地保护他们本国的工业。
JAIRAM RAMESH； Senior Economic Advisor to India's Congress Party； 19911998： The fact is the rules of the game are tilted in favor of the economically powerful。 I understand； I respect that； and until India is economically powerful we are not going to be able to influence the rules of the game。 Let's take the textile trade。 Now all textile imports into America； for example； are governed by quotas。 Every country is allocated a certain quota。 It's not free trade。 It's managed trade。 America is free to sell textiles to us； but we are not free to sell textiles to America。
JAIRAM RAMESH，印度国大党的高级经济顾问，1991 – 1998：事实是游戏的规则向有利于经济强国的方面倾斜。我可以理解。 我认为直到印度成为一个经济强国，否则我们无法影响游戏规则的制定。让我们来看一看纺织品贸易。比如，现在所有要进口到美国的纺织品都要受配额的限制。每个国家被分配一定数量的配额。
NARRATOR： Developing countries fed a negotiating bloc to make Western markets more open。
旁白：发展中国家组成了一个谈判集团以迫使西方更加开放他们的市场。
DELEGATE： This should not be a time when big countries； strong countries； the world's wealthiest countries； are setting about a process designed to enrich themselves。
代表：这不应该是那些大国，强盛的国家，世界上最富有的国家开始一个为了使他们自己更富有的过程的时候。
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Chapter 17： Failure at the Summit ＇4：58＇
第十七章： 峰会的失败
NARRATOR： Bill Clinton had been a leading proponent of expanded trade； but the protests forced him into a political corner。 A presidential election was about to begin； and Democrats needed union support。 In a speech to WTO delegates； Clinton appeared to side with the protestors on the streets。
旁白：比尔克林顿一直是贸易扩张的主要支持者，但是抗议声使他退缩到一个政治角落里，总统大选就要开始了，民主党需要工会的支持，在对世界贸易组织代表发表的一次演讲中，克林顿表现出对街头示威者的支持。
BILL CLINTON： I condemn the small number who were violent and who tried to prevent you from meeting； but I'm glad the others showed up； because they represent millions of people who are now asking questions about whether this enterprise will in fact take us all where we want to go。
比尔克林顿：我谴责那一小部分使用暴力并阻止你们###的人，但是，我很高兴，有些人站了出来，因为他们代表了数百万正在问这样一个问题的人们：这个企业是否会把我们带到我们想要去的地方？
NEWT GINGRICH： I think his speech at Seattle was an absolute disgrace and an act of strategic defeat for him。 I think they were gearing up for the election； and appeasing the unions to elect Gore was more important than standing for free trade。
NEWT GINGRICH：我认为，在西雅图发表的这次演讲绝对是个耻辱，是他的一次战略失败。我认为，他们在为选举做调整，安抚工会，让他们支持戈尔比克林顿支持自由贸易更加重要。
NARRATOR： Clinton instructed American WTO negotiators to keep protections for key
旁白：克林顿指示美国世贸组织谈判人员，让他们尽量保护关键的美国工业部门，这次高峰会以失败而告终，所有发展中国家的领导人都发誓阻挠下一轮贸易谈判的举行，除非他们的要求被认真地考虑。
MAHATHIR BIN MOHAMAD： We believe in trade； but we didn't believe in just being a market for other people。 So when you talk about opening markets； you talk about the rich people who can manufacture goods with added value and sell them in our markets； not the other way round。
马哈蒂尔：我们相信贸易，但是，我们不想让市场仅仅是为其他人服务的市场，因此，当你们讨论开放市场的时候，你们谈论的是那些能制造具有增加值的产品并在我们的市场上销售，而不是另外一种方式。
NARRATOR： Countries like Tanzania that rely on foreign aid claimed they wouldn't need the aid； if they could only sell their products to the West。
旁白：一些象坦桑尼亚那样依赖于国外援助的国家宣布，如果他们能将自己的产品销往西方国家，他们将不再需要援助了。
BENJAMIN MKAPA； President of Tanzania： You see； we talk about a level playing field； but in fact it is very much tilted in their favor。 We would earn so much more than we are possibly getting by bilateral aid if those markets were just open to us； literally by billions。
BENJAMIN MKAPA，坦桑尼亚总统：你们知道，我们在讨论一个水平的竞赛场地，但是实际上场地大大向他们有利的方向倾斜。如果那些市场能向我们开放，那么我们所可能获得的利润要远远超过通过双边援助的数量，可能会超过数十亿。
NARRATOR： Global poverty soon became the galvanizing issue among globalization's opponents。 In the wake of Seattle； control of the protest movement began to shift from unions to a disparate network of grassroots activists。
旁白：全球贫困问题将很快成为反对全球化的重大问题，在西雅图会议之后，对抗议行动的控制开始从工会转向一个完全不同的基层激进分子的网络。
JAGGI SINGH； Activist； Canada： We're trying to move from the politics of protest to the politics of liberation。 It's not simply trying to create a kinder； gentler capitalism。 It's not simply trying to negotiate the terms of our misery； to make our misery less miserable。 It's about changing the world； it's about creating institutions； structures； and frameworks； munities and neighborhoods that are based on our values； which are values of social justice； of mutual aid； of solidarity； of direct democracy。 And we're a long way from where we want to go； but we have to start now。
JAGGI SINGH； 激进分子，加拿大：我们正试图从抗议的政治行动转向解放的政治行动，并不仅仅是要创造一个更善良、更温和的资本主义制度，也并仅仅是要就我们的艰难处境进行谈判以减轻我们的苦难，而是要改变这个世界，要以我们的价值观（社会公正、互相帮助、团结、直接民主）为基础，创造新的制度、结构、框架、社团和社区。我们还有很长的路要走，但是我们必须现在就开始行动。
Onscreen caption： World Bank/IMF meeting
Washington； ； April 2000
字幕：世界银行／国际货币基金组织会议
华盛顿特区，２０００年４月
NARRATOR： One of the protestors' next targets was the World Bank； an institution whose sole purpose is to reduce poverty in developing countries。
旁白：一名抗议者的下一个抨击目标是世界银行，一个以在发展中国家消除贫困为唯一宗旨的机构。
JAMES WOLFENSOHN； President； The World Bank： When you see someone outside a barricade attacking you vehemently because of something called globalization； you have to wonder what it is they're getting at。 It enrages me when you have people who assume they have the moral high ground against a team of people here who are devoting their lives to addressing the very questions that these people claim to be addressing。
詹姆斯华盛顿，行长，世界银行：当你看到路障外面有人对你猛烈攻击，原因是一个被称之为全球化的问题，你不得不考虑他们到底是为了什么，当一群人认为他们有坚实的道德立场并用来反对一群毕生致力与解决那些他们宣称要解决的问题的时候，我感到非常愤怒。
NARRATOR： But the protests had bee impossible to ignore。 Inside the World Bank and other institutions； officials struggled to make sense of the growing debate。
旁白：抗议形势已经发展到不可忽略的地步，在世界银行和其它机构内部，官员们也在努力地试图理解这个越来越激烈的辩论。
NEMAT SHAFIK； Vice President； The World Bank： Well； the protest movement is multifaceted； and the anger is multifaceted； but there clearly is a sense of losing control and a sense of alienation。 The old structures and the old institutions and the old lines aren't working anymore； and I think we're at a stage where is this extraordinary chaos in international anizations； in international rules of the game； that we're trying to define； and we're not there yet。 And I think； like in any chaotic situation when you're in the middle of it； you don't see the way out； but I think what we're observing the series of protests； the series of engagements is part of the process of ing towards some new structure for managing a global economy。
NEMAT SHAFIK； 副行长，世界银行：这场抗议运动是多反面的，愤怒也是多方面的，但是，很明显，这里有一种失控和疏远的感觉，旧的结构、体制和阵线已经不再起作用了，而且我认为我们正处在这样一个阶段：国际组织和国际游戏规则充满了混乱，而我们正试图重心对它们加以定义，但目前我们还没能做到这一点。我认为，象处在任何混乱局势之中的时候一样，你看不到出路，但是我想我们所看到的一切——一系列的抗议、一系列的接触——都是通向某种全球经济管理新结构的过程的一部分。
Chapter 18： The Global Divide ＇2：33＇
第十八章： 全球分裂
NARRATOR： Globalization did not cause global poverty； but it did make us more aware of it。 And by creating a single global market； it raised the question of how that market benefits the world's poorest nations。
旁白：全球化并没有导致全球贫困，但是它的确让我们更加意识到贫困的存在。而要创造单一的全球市场则提出了这样一个问题：这个市场如何能使世界上最贫穷的国家受益。
DANIEL YERGIN： We are seeing around the world a movement towards greater reliance on markets； greater confidence in markets。 But for that confidence to last it has to be seen that these markets are fair； that they are delivering the benefits widely； that people are benefiting from them。 And if they don't have that kind of legitimacy； then the confidence is not going to remain； and the markets will be vulnerable to disruption and be replaced by other kinds of controls。 So every day the market has to earn and prove its legitimacy； and that's a big test； particularly in the developing world； where the numberone issue； the central preoccupational concern； is the issue of poverty； and delivering the goods means lifting people out of poverty。 And that more than anything else is what these markets would be judged by。
DANIEL YERGIN：我们正在目睹：这个世界越来越依赖与市场并越来越对市场充满信心。但是，为了让这种信心能持续下去，人们必须看到：这些市场非常公平，获益范围非常广泛，人们普遍都能从中得到好处。如果人们看不到这样的情况，那信心就不会持久，市场将会非常脆弱，容易发生混乱并被其它种类的控制方式所取代。因此，市场每天都必须证明它的合理性。这是一个巨大的考验，尤其实在发展中国家，发展中国家的首要问题、人们最为关切的问题就是贫困问题，输送货物意味着让那里的人们脱离贫困。那么，最重要的问题是：判断这些市场的标准是什么。
JEFFREY SACHS： Professor of Economics； Harvard University： The world is more unequal than at any time in world history。 There's a basic reason for that； which is that 200 years ago everybody was poor。 A relatively small part of the world achieved what the economists call a modern economic growth。 Those countries represent only about onesixth of humanity； and fivesixths of humanity is what we call the developing world。 It's the vast majority of the world。 The gap can be 1001； maybe a gap of 30；000 per person and 300 per person。 And that's absolutely astounding to be on the same planet and to have that extreme variation in material well being。
JEFFREY SACHS经济学教授，哈佛大学：今天的世界比历史上任何时候都不平等。这种现象的背后有一个基本的原因：２００年以前，所有的人都很贫穷。相对数目较小的一部分人实现了被经济学家称之为现代经济增长的目标。那些国家世界人口的六分之一，而其余六分之五的人口就是发展中世界。他们占世界人口的绝大部分。他们之间的收入差距可能达到1001，即人均收入30；000 和人均收入 300这样的差距。在同一个星球上居住的人们有如此之大的收入差距物质财富的悬殊实在令人感到吃惊。
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Chapter 19： Capitalism Redefined ＇7：00＇
第十九章： 资本主义被重新定义
HERNANDO DE SOTO； Founder and Director； Institute for Liberty and Democracy； Peru： The problem that's happened over these last years is that somehow or other people who are capitalists in countries like the United States considered the real interlocutors are rich people from developing countries； so they've been touching the wrong constituency。 The constituency of capitalism has always been poor people that are outside the system。 Capitalism is essentially a tool for poor people to prosper。
HERNANDO DE SOTO；创始人和主任自由民主协会，秘鲁：过去几年发生的问题是：美国等资本主义国家的人们认为发展中国家中的富人才是他们的对话者，因此，他们一直在接触错误的群体。资本主义的支持者一直是那些这个体系之外的贫穷人口，而从根本上说，资本主义是使贫穷人口富起来的工具。
NARRATOR： Hernando de Soto is one of the most original economists in the developing world。 An advisor to Mexico； Peru； Egypt； and other countries； he seeks to cut through the old debate about wealth and poverty and reinvent capitalism in the name of the poor。
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